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EIGHT COMMON MYTHS = ABOUT CHILD=20 SEXUAL ABUSE

Few people are aware of the true state of the science on child = abuse.=20 Instead, most people's beliefs have been shaped by common = misconceptions=20 and popular myths about this hidden crime. Societal acceptance of = these=20 myths assists sex offenders by silencing victims and encouraging = public=20 denial about the true nature of sexual assaults against children. = The=20 Leadership Council prepared this analysis because we believe that = society=20 as a whole benefits when the public has access to accurate = information=20 regarding child abuse and other forms of interpersonal violence. =

Myth 1: Normal-appearing, well = educated,=20 middle-class people don't molest children.

One of the public's most dangerous assumptions is the belief = that a=20 person who both appears and acts normal could not be a child = molester. Sex=20 offenders are well aware of our propensity for making assumptions = about=20 private behavior from one's public presentation. In fact, as = recent=20 reports of abuse by priests have shown, child molesters rely on = our=20 misassumptions to deliberately and carefully set and gain access = to child=20 victims.

According to Dr. Anna Salter, Ph.D., a foremost expert in sex=20 offenders, "a double life is prevalent among all types of sex = offenders .=20 . . . The front that offenders typically offer to the outside = world is=20 usually a 'good person,' someone who the community believes has a = good=20 character and would never do such a thing" (Salter, 2003, p. 34). =

In her years of work with sex offenders, Dr. Salter has found = they=20 commonly employ a variety of tactics which allow them to gain = access to=20 children while concealing their activities. For instance, many = seek=20 responsible positions that place them in close proximity with = children.=20 They also tend to adopt a pattern of socially responsible and = caring=20 behavior in public. Many have practiced and perfected their = ability to=20 charm, to be likeable and to radiate a facade of sincerity and=20 truthfulness. This causes parents and others to drop their guard, = allowing=20 the sex offender easy and recurring access to children.

In fact, Dr. Salter has found that the life a child molester = leads in=20 public may be exemplary, almost surreal in its righteousness. In = her book,=20 Dr. Salter presents the following description written by a child = molester=20 who had used his position as a church choir director to gain = access to=20 boys.

I want to describe a child molester I know very well. = This man=20 was raised by devout Christian parents. As a child he = rarely=20 missed church. Even after he became an adult he was = faithful=20 as a church member. He was a straight A student in high = school and=20 college. He has been married and has a child of his = own. He=20 coached Little League baseball. He was a Choir Director at = his=20 church. He never used any illegal drugs. He = never had=20 a drink of alcohol. He was considered a clean-cut,=20 All-American boy. Everyone seemed to like him. He = was a=20 volunteer in numerous civic community functions. He had a=20 well-paying career job. He was considered "well-to-do" in=20 society. But from the age of 13-years-old he = sexually=20 molested little boys. He never victimized a = stranger. =20 All of his victims were friends. . . I know this child = molester=20 very well because he is me!!!!

Soon after writing this, the author of this confession was = released on=20 parole. Upon release, he quickly infiltrated a church where = he=20 molested children until he was again caught and returned to = prison"=20 (Salter, 2003, pp. 36-37).

Salter, A. C. (2003). Predators: = Pedophiles,=20 rapists and other sex offenders: Who they are, how they operate, = and how=20 we can protect ourselves and our children . New York: Basic = Books.=20

Myth 2: People are too quick to = believe an=20 abuser is guilty, even if there is no supporting evidence. =

In truth, people are too quick to believe that the accused is = innocent,=20 even if there is plenty of supporting evidence. According to Dr. = Salter, "=20 Normal , healthy people distort reality to create a kinder, = gentler world=20 than actually exists" (p. 177). She notes that in order to find = meaning=20 and justice in everyday life, most people assign victims too much = blame=20 for their assaults and offenders too little. In truth, it is hard = for most=20 people to imagine how any person could sexually abuse a child. = Because=20 they can't imagine a "normal" person doing such a heinous act, = they assume=20 that child molesters must be monsters. If the accused does = not fit=20 this stereotype (in other words if he appears to be a normal = person), then=20 many people will disbelieve the allegation, believing the accused = to be=20 incapable of such act.

Salter, A. C. (2003). Predators: = Pedophiles,=20 rapists and other sex offenders: Who they are, how they operate, = and how=20 we can protect ourselves and our children. New York : Basic = Books.=20

Myth 3: Child molesters molest=20 indiscriminately.

Not everyone who comes in contact with a child molester will be = abused.=20 Although this finding may seem obvious, some interpret the fact = that an=20 abuser didn't molest a particular child in their care to mean that = those=20 children who do allege abuse must be lying. In truth, sex = offenders tend=20 to carefully pick and set up their victims Thus while sex = offenders may=20 feel driven to molest children, they rarely do so indiscriminately = or a=20 plan.

Research with sex offenders confirms that they tend to = carefully select=20 and "groom" their victims (Conte, Wolf, & Smith, 1989). For = instance,=20 Elliott, Browne and Kilcoyne (1995) interviewed with 91 child = molesters,=20 the all-male sample reported that they most often chose children = who had=20 family problems, were alone, lacked confidence, and were = indiscriminate in=20 their trust of others -- especially when the child was also = perceived to=20 be pretty, "provocatively" dressed, young, or small.

Rather than being a sudden, initially traumatic occurrence, = most sex=20 abuse involves a gradual "grooming" process in which the = perpetrator=20 skillfully manipulates the child into participating (Berliner = & Conte,=20 1995). To ensure the child's continuing compliance, sex offenders = report=20 using bribes, threats and force (Elliott et al.,1995).

Below, a young pedophile describes the careful planning that = went into=20 finding his next victim.

When a person like myself wants to obtain access to a child, = you don't=20 just go up and get the child and sexually molest the child. = There's a=20 process of obtaining the child's friendship and, in my case, also=20 obtaining the family's friendship and their trust. When you = get=20 their trust, that's when the child becomes vulnerable and you can = molest=20 the child. (Salter, 2003, p. 42)

Berliner, L., & Conte, J. R. (1995). = The effects=20 of disclosure and intervention on sexually abused children. = Child=20 Abuse & Neglect , 19 , 371-84.
Conte, J. R., Wolf, S., & Smith, T. = (1989). What=20 sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies. Child = Abuse &=20 Neglect, 13, 293-301.
Elliott, M., Browne, K., & Kilcoyne, = J. (1995).=20 Child sexual abuse prevention: What offenders tell us. Child = Abuse=20 & Neglect. 19 , 579-94.
Salter, A. C. (2003). Predators: = Pedophiles,=20 rapists and other sex offenders . New York : Basic Books. =

Myth 4: Children who are being = abused would=20 immediately tell their parents.

The fact victims often fail to disclose their abuse in a timely = fashion=20 is frequently used as evidence that an alleged victim's story = should be=20 doubted. Research, however, shows that children who have been = sexually=20 assaulted often have considerable difficulty in revealing or = discussing=20 their abuse.

Estimates suggest that only 3% of all cases of child sexual = abuse=20 (Finkelhor & Dziuba-Leatherman, 1994; Timnick, 1985) and only = 12% of=20 rapes involving children are ever reported to police (Hanson et = al.,=20 1999). A nationally representative survey of over 3,000 women = revealed=20 that of those raped during childhood, 47% did not disclose to = anyone for=20 over 5 years post-rape. In fact, 28% of the victims reported that = they had=20 never told anyone about their childhood rape prior to the = research interview. Moreover, the women who never told often = suffered the=20 most serious abuse. For instance, younger age at the time of rape, = a=20 family relationship with the perpetrator, and experiencing a = series of=20 rapes were all associated with delayed disclosure (Smith et al., = 2000).=20

Sex offenders typically seek to make the victim feel as though = he or=20 she caused the offender to act inappropriately, and convince the = child=20 that they are the guilty party. As a result, children often have = great=20 difficulty sorting out who is responsible for the abuse and = frequently=20 blame themselves for what happened. In the end, fears of = retribution and=20 abandonment, and feelings of complicity, embarrassment, guilt, and = shame=20 all conspire to silence children and inhibit their disclosures of = abuse=20 (Pipe & Goodman, 1991; Sauzier, 1989).

Boys seem to have a particularly difficult time dealing with = sexual=20 abuse and are even less likely to report it than girls. A review = of 5=20 community-based studies revealed that rates of non-disclosure = ranged from=20 42% to 85% in abused men ( Lyons , 2002). Research with abused = males has=20 found that the more severe the abuse, the more likely the boy is = to blame=20 himself and the less likely he will disclose the abuse (Hunter et = al.,=20 1992). In addition to self-blame, reluctance of boys to disclose = abuse may=20 be traced to the social stigma attached to victimization, along = with fears=20 that they will be disbelieved or labeled homosexual (Watkins & = Bentovim, 1992).

Finkelhor, D., & Dziuba-Leatherman, J. = (1994).=20 Children as Victims of Violence: A National Survey. = Pediatrics, 94=20 (4, :413-420.
Hanson, R. F., Resnick H. S., Saunders, B. = E.,=20 Kilpatrick, D. G., & Best, C. (1999). Factors related to the = reporting of childhood rape. Child Abuse & Neglect, = 23,=20 559-69.
Hunter, J. A., Goodwin, D. W., & = Wilson, R. J.=20 (1992). Attributions of blame in child sexual abuse victims: An = analysis=20 of age and gender influences. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, = 1,=20 75-89.
Kilpatrick, D. G., Edmunds, C. N., & = Seymour, A.=20 (1992). Rape in America: A report to the nation . = Arlington VA:=20 National Victim Center .
Lyon, T.D. (2002). Scientific Support for = Expert=20 Testimony on Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation. In J.R. = Conte=20 (Ed.), Critical issues in child sexual abuse (pp. = 107-138).=20 Newbury Park, CA: Sage. (on-line: http://www.law.duke.edu/shell/cite.pl?65+Law+&+Con= temp.+Probs.+97+(Winter+2002)=20
Pipe, M. E., & Goodman, G. S. (1991). = Elements=20 of secrecy: Implications for children's testimony. = Behavioral=20 Sciences & the Law, 9, 33-41.
Sauzier, M. (1989). Disclosure of child = sexual=20 abuse: For better or for worse. Psychiatric Clinics of North = America, 12, 455-69.
Smith, D. W., Letourneau, E. J., Saunders, = B. E.,=20 Kilpatrick, D. G., Resnick, H. S., & Best, C. L. (2000). = Delay in=20 disclosure of childhood rape: Results from a national survey. = Child=20 Abuse & Neglect, 24, 273-87.
Watkins, B. & Bentovim, A. = (1992). The=20 sexual abuse of male children and adolescents: A review of = current=20 research. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, = 33,=20 197-248.

Myth 5: Children who are being = abused will=20 show physical evidence of abuse.

A lack of physical evidence of sexual assault is often cited as = support=20 that an alleged perpetrator must be innocent. However, research = shows that=20 abnormal genital findings are rare even in cases where the abuse = has been=20 proven. Some acts, like fondling and oral sex, leave no physical = traces.=20 Even injuries from penetration heal very quickly in young children = and=20 thus abnormal genital findings are not common, especially if the = child is=20 examined more than 48 hours after the abuse. In fact, even with = proven=20 penetration in up to 95% of cases, genital examinations will be=20 essentially normal.

In one study, case files and colposcopic photographs of 236 = children=20 with perpetrator conviction for sexual abuse, were reviewed. The=20 investigators found that genital findings in the abused girls were = normal=20 in 28%, nonspecific in 49%, suspicious in 9%, and abnormal in 14% = of cases=20 (Adams, Harper, Knudson, & Revilla, 1994).

An even lower rate of abnormal findings was found in a large = scale=20 study of the 2384 children referred for medical evaluation of = sexual=20 abuse. The investigators found that only 4% of the children had = abnormal=20 examinations at the time of evaluation. Even with a history of = severe=20 abuse such as vaginal or anal penetration, the rate of abnormal = medical=20 findings was only 5.5% (Heger, Ticson, Velasquez, & Bernier, = 2002).=20

This low rate of abnormal findings was confirmed in a case = review of=20 children with proven sexual abuse consisting of 36 pregnant = adolescent=20 girls who presented for sexual abuse evaluations. Historical = information=20 and photograph documentation were reviewed to determine the = presence or=20 absence of genital findings that indicate penetrating trauma. Only = 2 of=20 the 36 (5.5%) pregnant girls showed definitive evidence of = penetration=20 (Kellogg, Menard, & Santos , 2004).

Adams, J. A., Harper, K., Knudson, S., = &=20 Revilla, J. (1994). Examination findings in legally confirmed = child=20 sexual abuse: It's normal to be normal. Pediatrics, 94 = (3),=20 310-7.
Heger, A., Ticson, L., Velasquez, O., = & Bernier,=20 R. (2002). Children referred for possible sexual abuse: medical = findings=20 in 2384 children. Child Abuse & Neglect, 26, = 645-59.
Kellogg, N. D., Menard, S. W., & = Santos , A.=20 (2004). Genital anatomy in pregnant adolescents: " Normal = " does=20 not mean "nothing happened". Pediatrics, 113 (1 Pt 1),=20 67-9.

Myth 6: Hundreds of innocent men = and women=20 have been falsely accused and sent to prison for molesting = children.=20

Over and over again, the media has raised the question whether = America=20 is in the midst of a hysterical overreaction to the perceived = threat from=20 pedophiles. Actual research, however, shows that, as a whole, our = society=20 continues to under-react and under-estimate the scope of the = problem.

Prior to the 1980s, child sexual abuse was largely ignored, = both by the=20 law and by society as a whole. In the 1980s, when the scope of the = problem=20 began to be acknowledged, the police began to arrest adults = accused of=20 child abuse. A backlash quickly formed and police and prosecutors = were=20 soon accused of conducting "witchhunts." Although some early cases = were=20 handled badly -- mainly because the police had little experience = in=20 dealing with very young child witnesses -- there is little = evidence to=20 back the assertion that there was widespread targeting of innocent = people.=20

In fact, research has consistently shown that few abusers are = ever=20 identified or incarcerated. Estimates suggest that only 3% of all = cases of=20 child sexual abuse (Finkelhor & Dziuba-Leatherman, 1994; = Timnick,=20 1985) and only 12% of rapes involving children are ever reported = to police=20 (Hanson et al., 1999).

Further research reveals that of the few cases reported to = authorities,=20 relatively few accused offenders are ever investigated or charged. = For=20 instance, the first National Incidence Study (Finkelhor, 1983) = found that=20 criminal action was taken in only 24% of substantiated cases of = child=20 sexual abuse -- a finding replicated by Sauzier (1989). After = reviewing=20 numerous studies, Bolen (2001) noted that in the end, offenders = may be=20 convicted in only 1-2% of cases of suspected abuse known to = professionals.=20 And even then, most convicted child molesters spend less than one = year in=20 jail.

Based on the high prevalence of sexual crimes against children = on our=20 society, it strains credulity to assume that the small number of = cases=20 that are actually prosecuted constitute a "witchhunt", or that = somehow=20 mostly innocent people are targeted for prosecution. In fact, = statistics=20 suggest quite the opposite: child abusers are rarely identified or = prosecuted.

Bolen. R. M. (2001). Child = sexual abuse:=20 Its scope and our failure . New York: Kluwer Academic. =
Ceci, S. J., & Bruck, M. (1993). The=20 suggestibility of the child witness: A historical review and = synthesis.=20 Psychological Bulletin, 113, 403-39.
Finkelhor, D. (1983). Removing the child - = prosecuting the offender in cases of child sexual abuse: = Evidence from=20 the national reporting system for child abuse and neglect. = Child=20 Abuse & Neglect, 7, 195-205.
Finkelhor, D., & Dziuba-Leatherman, J. = (1994).=20 Children as victims of violence: A national survey. = Pediatrics,=20 94, 413-20.
Hanson, R. F., Resnick H. S., Saunders, B. = E.,=20 Kilpatrick, D. G., & Best, C. (1999). Factors related to the = reporting of childhood rape. Child Abuse & Neglect, = 23,=20 559-69.
Kilpatrick, D. G., Edmunds, C. N., & = Seymour, A.=20 (1992). Rape in America: A report to the nation. = Arlington VA :=20 National Victim Center.
Sauzier, M. (1989). Disclosure of child = sexual=20 abuse: For better or for worse. Psychiatric Clinics of North = America, 12, 455-69.
Timnick, L. (August 15, 1985). The Times = poll:=20 Twenty-two percent in survey were child abuse victims. Los = Angeles=20 Times, p. 1.

Myth 7: If asked about abuse, = children tend=20 to exaggerate and are prone to making false accusations. =

Contrary to the popular misconception that children are prone = to=20 exaggerate sexual abuse, research shows that children often = minimize and=20 deny, rather than embellish what has happened to them.

In one study, researchers examined 28 cases in which = prepubescent=20 children had tested positive for a sexually transmitted disease by = forensically accepted procedures. To be included in the study, the = children had to have presented for a physical problem with no = prior=20 disclosure or suspicion of sexual abuse and were required to have = adequate=20 expressive language capabilities. Each of the 28 children was = interviewed=20 by a social worker trained in abuse disclosure techniques and use = of=20 anatomically correct dolls. Only 12 of the 28 (43%) of the abused = children=20 interviewed gave any verbal confirmation of sexual contact = (Lawson, &=20 Chaffin, 1992).

Another study involved a perpetrator who pled guilty after = videotapes=20 documenting his abuse of ten children were found by authorities. = Because=20 of these detailed video recordings, researchers knew exactly what = had=20 happened to these children. They were thus able to compare what = the=20 children told investigators when they were interviewed to the = videotapes.=20 Despite this abundance of hard physical evidence, the researchers = found a=20 significant tendency among the children to deny or minimize their=20 experiences. Some children simply did not want to disclose their=20 experiences, some had difficulties remembering them, and one child = lacked=20 adequate concepts to understand and describe them. Even when = interviews=20 included leading questions, none of the children embellished their = accounts or accused the perpetrator of acts that he hadn't = actually=20 committed (Sjoberg & Lindblad, 2002).

Some people believe that recantations are a sure sign that a = child lied=20 about the abuse. However, a recent study found that pressure from = family=20 members play a significant role in recantations. Mallory et al. = (2007)=20 examined the prevalence and predictors of recantation among 2- to=20 17-year-old child sexual abuse victims. Case files (n =3D 257) = were randomly=20 selected from all substantiated cases resulting in a dependency = court=20 filing in a large urban county between 1999 and 2000. Recantation = (i.e.,=20 denial of abuse postdisclosure) was scored across formal and = informal=20 interviews. Cases were also coded for characteristics of the = child,=20 family, and abuse. The researchers found a 23.1% recantation rate. = The=20 study looked for but did not find evidence that these recantations = resulted from potential inclusion of cases involving false = allegations.=20 Instead, multivariate analyses supported a filial dependency model = of=20 recantation, whereby abuse victims who were more vulnerable to = familial=20 adult influences (i.e., younger children, those abused by a parent = figure=20 and who lacked support from the nonoffending caregiver) were more = likely=20 to recant.

Lawson, L., & Chaffin, M. (1992). = False=20 negatives in sexual abuse disclosure interviews. Journal of=20 Interpersonal Violence, 7, 532-42.
Malloy, L.C. , Lyon, T.D. , & Quas, = J.A. (2007).=20 Filial dependency and recantation of child sexual abuse = allegations.=20 Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent = Psychiatry,=20 46, 162-70.
Sjoberg, R. L., & Lindblad, F. (2002). = Limited=20 disclosure of sexual abuse in children whose experiences were = documented=20 by videotape. American Journal of Psychiatry, 159, = 312-4=20

Myth 8: By using repeated = interviews,=20 therapists or police can easily implant false memories and cause = false=20 accusations among children of any age.

Although research has consistently shown that children rarely=20 confabulate about having been abused and false allegations have = been found=20 to be rare (Everson & Boat, 1989; Jones & McGraw, 1987; = Oates, et=20 al., 2000), the potential for false allegations continues to be an = area of=20 great concern in sex abuse cases.

Whenever prominent adults are accused of abuse, we frequently = hear=20 allegations improper questioning and suggestions that the child = may have=20 invented molestation stories to please probing authority figures. = We also=20 hear concerns that inappropriate, suggestive therapies by = overzealous=20 clinicians may have shaped or implanted the allegations.

Recent research suggests that these concerns have been greatly=20 exaggerated ( Lyons , 2001). There is now a substantial body of = laboratory=20 research which finds that children are quite reluctant to discuss=20 embarrassing events (Lyon, 1999; 2002). Overall, laboratory = research using=20 suggestive questioning has consistently shown that negative = events,=20 especially events involving a child's genitals, are relatively = difficult=20 to implant in children's statements. In fact, research shows that = children=20 are more likely to fail to report negative experiences that = actually did=20 happen to them, than falsely remember ones that did not.

Saywitz, Goodman, Nicholas, and Moan (1991) studied the memory = of 72=20 five and seven-year-old girls for a standardized medical checkup. = Half of=20 the children received a vaginal and anal examination as part of = the=20 checkup; while the other half of the children received a scoliosis = examination of their back instead. The children's memories were = later=20 solicited through free recall, anatomically detailed doll = demonstration,=20 and direct and misleading questions. The vast majority of vaginal = and anal=20 touch went unreported in free recall and doll demonstration, and = was only=20 disclosed when children were asked direct, doll-aided questions. = The=20 children who received a scoliosis exam never falsely reported = genital=20 touch in free recall or doll demonstration; and false reports were = rare in=20 response to direct questions.

It is also important to point out that many abused children = exhibit=20 post-traumatic and behavioral symptoms. To date no laboratory or = clinical=20 research supports the notion that children can falsely remember = elaborate=20 details of sexual abuse perpetrated by a trusted teacher, = corroborate each=20 other's stories in independent interviews, and develop = post-traumatic=20 symptoms -- based solely on police interviews or suggestive = therapy.

Ceci, S. J., & Bruck, M. (1993). The=20 suggestibility of the child witness: A historical review and = synthesis.=20 Psychological Bulletin, 113 , 403-39.
Everson, M.D., & Boat, B. W. (1989). = False=20 allegations of sexual abuse by children and adolescents. = Journal of=20 the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. 28 = :=20 230-5.
Jones, D. P. H., & McGraw, J. M. = (1987).=20 Reliable and fictitious accounts of sexual abuse to children.=20 Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2, 27-45.
Lawson, L., & Chaffin, M. (1992). = False=20 negatives in sexual abuse disclosure interviews. Journal of=20 Interpersonal Violence, 7 , 532-42.
Lyon, T.D. (1999). The new wave of = suggestibility=20 research: A critique. Cornell Law Review, 84 , = 1004-1087.
Lyon, T.D. (2001). Let's not exaggerate = the=20 suggestibility of children. Court Review, 28 (3), = 12-14.=20 (on-line: http://aja.= ncsc.dni.us/courtrv/cr38-3/CR38-3Lyon.pdf)=20
Lyon, T.D. (2002). Scientific Support for = Expert=20 Testimony on Child Sexual Abuse Accommodation. In J.R. = Conte=20 (Ed.), Critical issues in child sexual abuse (pp. = 107-138).=20 Newbury Park , CA : Sage. (on-line: http://www.law.duke.edu/shell/cite.pl?65+Law+&+Con= temp.+Probs.+97+(Winter+2002)=20
Oates, R. K., Jones, D. P., Denson, D., = Sirotnak,=20 A., Gary, N., & Krugman, R. D. (2000). Erroneous concerns = about=20 child sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 24 , = 149-57.=20
Pezdek, K., & C. Roe. (1997). The = suggestibility=20 of children's memory for being touched: Planting, erasing, and = changing=20 memories. Law and Human Behavior, 21, 95-106.
Saywitz, K. J., Goodman, G. S., Nicholas, = E., &=20 Moan, S. F. (1991). Children's memories of a physical = examination=20 involving genital touch: Implications for reports of child = sexual abuse.=20 Journal of Consulting & Clinical Psychology, 59 , = 682-91.=20
Sjoberg, R. L., & Lindblad, F. (2002). = Limited=20 disclosure of sexual abuse in children whose experiences were = documented=20 by videotape. American Journal of Psychiatry, 159 , = 312-4.=20

The = Leadership=20 Council =A9 2005